lmohim
Issue 15 · Élections · 9 min
lmohim / election dossierPre-election edition · information checked through 15 September 2026

Morocco 2026: 395 seats–what can your vote really change?

On 23 September, 15.8 million registered voters are called to renew the House of Representatives. This dossier does not predict a winner. It shows what the two ballots produce, what parties promise–and where the questions begin.

Local ballotList and symbolConstituency candidatesOne choice305
Regional ballotList and symbolConstituency candidatesOne choice90
198 seats = absolute majority

One national election, decided twice.

Every voter receives two separate ballots: one for a local list and another for a regional list. Their separate counts together produce the 395 seats in the House of Representatives.

The party finishing first does not automatically receive a majority. Article 47 of the Constitution provides that the King appoints the Head of Government from that party; forming a government then requires a parliamentary majority capable of supporting its programme. [7]

The useful question is therefore not only “who finishes first?” It is also: with how many seats, which partners, and how much room to turn a campaign promise into a budget, a law and finally an outcome?

23 Sep.election day [1]
395seats to fill [1]
1,850lists submitted [2]
7,288candidates [2]

The 395 seats do not come from the same ballot.

Select a category to isolate its part of the chamber. This visual explains the election’s architecture; it is not a result or projection.

305 local seats90 regional seats395 seats: full architecture

The local ballot

It assigns 305 seats in local constituencies. Lists compete in territories of different sizes; the national outcome is the sum of these local contests. [5]

The regional ballot

It assigns 90 seats across twelve regional constituencies. In 2026 those lists are exclusively made up of women, so the next House will contain at least 90 women. [4]

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lmohim cartogram · indicative positions; no boundary is represented.

Twelve regions, ninety seats.

The cartogram orders regions roughly north to south and sizes circles by their regional seats. It is not a boundary map: positions are indicative and local constituency seats are not included. [5]

Casablanca–Settat12 regional seats reserved for women-only lists

Who appears on the electoral roll?

The rolls closed on 10 July contain 15,801,162 people: 54% men and 46% women; 55% live in urban areas and 45% in rural areas. [3]

Age reveals a sharper contrast: 18–24-year-olds account for only 4% of registered voters, compared with 29% for people aged 60 and over. This measures neither voting intention nor future turnout. It describes only the registered electorate. [3]

15 801 162
registered voters
1521211029
18–24 · 4%25–34 · 15%35–44 · 21%45–54 · 21%55–59 · 10%60+ · 29%

Compare promises without electing a slogan.

Six programmes, six entry points. We do not score parties: we isolate a proposal or framework, then identify the feasibility question a reader should ask. These are summaries of published announcements–not budget certification or endorsement.

National Rally of Independents

Gradually raise the statutory minimum wage to MAD 5,000 by 2031.

Source for this promise
The stated lever

The party cites higher tax receipts, growth around 5% and momentum in sectors including tourism.

The question to ask

What timetable, what division of cost between employers and the state, and what effect on formal employment?

Method: a non-exhaustive selection of the most represented or most fully documented parties at publication. Figures are those announced by parties or identified in their programmes. No electoral projection or poll is shown.

All six proposals, available without interaction

RNI · National Rally of Independents

What is promised: Gradually raise the statutory minimum wage to MAD 5,000 by 2031.

The stated lever: The party cites higher tax receipts, growth around 5% and momentum in sectors including tourism.

The question to ask: What timetable, what division of cost between employers and the state, and what effect on formal employment?

Source for this promise
PAM · Authenticity and Modernity Party

What is promised: An additional five-year programme costed at MAD 350 billion, including MAD 150 billion for purchasing power.

The stated lever: MAD 300 billion would come from growth and a broader tax base, 40 billion from local authorities and 10 billion from administrative savings.

The question to ask: What happens if the 5% average growth assumption supporting the financing is not reached?

Source for this promise
PI · Istiqlal Party

What is promised: Five commitments built around sovereignty, resilience, social justice and trust.

The stated lever: Local production, water security, industrialisation, public services and integrity in public life.

The question to ask: Which commitments can be legally measured from the first finance law?

Source for this promise
PJD · Justice and Development Party

What is promised: 467 measures, including a 40% corporate-tax rate for monopoly, near-monopoly or oligopoly sectors.

The stated lever: Targeted taxation, public-procurement transparency, electoral reform and direct support for small producers.

The question to ask: What net revenue remains after behavioural changes and disputes over which sectors qualify?

Source for this promise
PPS · Party of Progress and Socialism

What is promised: 220 commitments and MAD 575 billion in additional spending over five years.

The stated lever: MAD 622 billion in added revenue, assuming 5% real growth and a tax burden rising from 20.8% to 24.1% of GDP.

The question to ask: How much relies on dependable new revenue, and how much on growth that still has to materialise?

Source for this promise
USFP · Socialist Union of Popular Forces

What is promised: Twenty commitments for fairer territorial development, employment and a dignified life.

The stated lever: Redistributing the gains from growth and narrowing territorial gaps in education, care and opportunity.

The question to ask: Which territorial indicators, budgets and deadlines will make the outcome measurable?

Source for this promise

Finishing first is not enough. You need 198.

This simulator uses only the official 2021 seat distribution to demonstrate the mechanism. It does not predict 2026. Add or remove parties to see whether a coalition crosses the absolute-majority line. [6]

In 2021 the RNI won 102 seats, PAM 87 and Istiqlal 81. Together they held 270. But a coalition is not mere arithmetic: it also requires a joint programme, cabinet compromises and parliamentary discipline. [6]

2021 baseline

selected seats270 / 395

From ballot to public policy: five passages.

A promise never becomes policy automatically. Between the two lie seats, coalition-building, the government programme, budgets, laws and implementation.

Vote
Two ballots and two proportional allocations.
Seats
395 mandates; 198 for an absolute majority.
Appointment
The Head of Government comes from the first-place party.
Coalition
A majority supports the government programme.
Delivery
Budgets, laws, administration and parliamentary scrutiny.

What representatives can do

  • Pass legislation and the finance law.
  • Amend, question and scrutinise government action.
  • Grant or withdraw confidence through constitutional procedures.
  • Bring constituency interests into the national debate.

What this election does not decide alone

  • The Head of Government is not directly elected on a ballot.
  • The largest party does not necessarily govern alone.
  • A manifesto figure is neither voted expenditure nor a guaranteed result.
  • The House of Councillors is not renewed by this direct election.

Before sharing: four quick tests.

During an election, a polished image or precise figure can create an illusion of proof. Open each claim and check what it leaves out.

“The first-place party is guaranteed 198 seats.”

No. The system is proportional and fragmented. First place determines the party from which the Head of Government is appointed; it does not guarantee an absolute majority.

Constitution, Article 47
“The 90 regional seats are a territorially meaningless bonus.”

No. They are allocated among twelve regional constituencies, from 3 seats in Dakhla–Oued Eddahab to 12 in Casablanca–Settat. In 2026 these lists are reserved for women.

Organic law and regional mechanism
“A viral election-night estimate is a result.”

No. Until a figure is attributed to the competent authority, it remains an estimate. This dossier will label no 2026 number as a result without an official source and update time.

Official election portal
“AI-generated video needs no label if it is ‘educational’.”

Not in regulated audiovisual coverage: HACA requires clear, permanent and unequivocal identification of explanatory AI content and bans deceptive falsified election content.

HACA Decision 50-26

Eight days to separate substance from noise.

Official campaign opens
This pre-vote dossier is frozen
Campaign ends at midnight
Voting across the country
Provisional results, then validation

On election day

The national identity card is the only official document required to prove identity. The notice showing a polling station is useful but not mandatory. [3]

Each voter receives a local ballot and a regional ballot. The votes are separate and counted independently. [5]

What this page will do after 23 September

The coalition module currently demonstrates the 2021 baseline. After an official release, it can switch to 2026 seats while retaining the source, timestamp and provisional or final status of every update.

No result is prefilled. Missing data remains missing data–not an invitation to complete the picture with rumour.